- Question
- Is the BJP dangerous?
- Position‹2 of 2
- No, the Bharativa Janata Party (BJP) is not dangerous
The Congress party, who were previously in government, are no longer a viable alternative for leadership in India.
The argument
The BJP came into office after “ten long years of government by the incompetent and corrupt Indian National Congress party,” amidst widespread disgust with the establishment figures of Indian politics. Modi was heralded as just the refreshing economic reformer India needed. The Congress party had ruled India for 53 of the 72 years since independence. However, they presently do not offer a credible alternative to BJP. The Congress Party epitomised the elite so despised by the populist movement of the BJP. The leader Rahul Ghandi, a fourth generation member of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, was seen by voters as a lightweight and he was unable to shed his lacklustre and elitist image. In contrast, Modi portrayed himself as a man of the people and seemed to be the person best placed to deliver the desired change. Although the BJP has been controversial, equally so were the Congress Party governments. The nepotism that characterised the Nehru/Ghandi governments is reflected in the 450+ facilities, hospitals and schemes that were named after members of the family. The regimes were also riddled with ongoing corruption scandals that rocked India. These included money for votes and infrastructure, defence and telecommunication contracts.
Premises
Counter-arguments
In practice, the economic differences between the BJP and the Congress are probably overstated. Most political parties in India share what Indian economist Montek Singh Ahluwalia once called a “strong consensus for weak reforms.”
Rejecting the premises
[Rejecting P1] The circumstances of a party's election say nothing about whether it is dangerous. Widespread disgust with an incumbent explains a change of government; it does not evaluate the government that follows. [Rejecting P2] Congress's long incumbency and elite character are criticisms of Congress. Faults in an opponent establish nothing about the governing party, and the argument spends most of its length on the party that is not the subject of the question. [Rejecting P3] The central inference runs backwards. An absence of credible opposition is generally treated as a reason for concern about concentrated power rather than as reassurance — the position's case would be stronger, not weaker, if the BJP governed moderately while facing a strong opposition. The argument also never touches the grounds on which the sibling position argues for danger, which concern communal politics, press freedom and the treatment of minorities rather than electoral competition.
Further reading
Ahluwalia, Montek, S. 2002. "Economic Reforms in India Since 1991: Has Gradualism Worked?" Journal of Economic Perspectives, 16 (3): 67-88. DOI: 10.1257/089533002760278721