- Position1 of 3›
- Yes, military conscription should be banned.
Young people's lives and health should not be viewed as expendable. Governments abuse their bodies as machines for war.
The argument
One argument for banning military conscription holds that it objectifies young people by treating their bodies as property of the state, to be claimed and used regardless of their own will. Conscription takes a person — typically a young adult at the threshold of independent life — and compels them to place their body in the service of the nation's military aims, to be trained, deployed, and potentially sent into harm's way at the government's discretion. In doing so, the argument runs, the state asserts ownership over the individual's physical self, reducing a person to a resource to be allocated rather than an end in themselves with their own life to lead. This treatment, proponents argue, violates a basic principle of human dignity: that people are not instruments to be used for others' purposes without consent. We generally hold that no one may seize another's body or labour by force, yet conscription does precisely that, conscripting the young into risking injury, trauma and death for ends they may not share. The fact that it falls on the young in particular sharpens the objection, since they are made to bear the physical costs of decisions taken by others, their bodies conscripted as the raw material of state power. From this standpoint, compulsory service is not merely inconvenient but a moral wrong of a specific kind — the reduction of persons to objects, their bodies commandeered. A free society committed to the dignity and autonomy of the individual cannot treat its young people as state property to be drafted at will. Because military conscription objectifies young people's bodies, treating them as instruments rather than ends, this argument holds, it should be banned.
Premises
Counter-arguments
Defenders of conscription reply that many legitimate civic duties place demands on the person — jury service, taxation, compulsory education, quarantine — without being condemned as 'objectification,' so the label proves too much. They argue that a democratic state conscripting its citizens to defend the community in an existential emergency is asking a shared sacrifice, not asserting ownership, and that historically conscription has been bound up with citizenship and the very rights it defends. Where conscription is decided democratically and applied fairly, they contend, it expresses collective self-defence rather than the reduction of persons to instruments; taken strictly, the dignity objection would forbid any compulsory duty at all.
Rejecting the premises
[Rejecting P2] Requiring a shared duty in an emergency is not the same as asserting ownership; the state compels jury service, taxation and quarantine without thereby claiming to own the person. [Rejecting P3] The 'persons as instruments' principle, applied strictly, would forbid every compulsory civic obligation, so it proves too much to single out conscription.